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Thank you.

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Applause.

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Dear friends of Arne Næss, dear Rector,

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welcome to the 15th Arne Næss Symposium

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on Global Justice and the Environment.

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Now, the divine music you've just heard,

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very ecological, has been composed

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especially for our event by Lasse Thoresen,

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one of the leading Norwegian composers.

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And it's been played with a special

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brio and flair and mastery

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by Maiken Mathisen Schau.

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So I think, give them another round of applause.

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Applause.

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Thank you.

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Thank you very much for your generosity

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to music and to art.

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Now, I'd like to ask all absent-minded people here

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to turn off their iPhones, just in case,

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because we are going to hear our rector,

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who kindly agreed to say a few words

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and open the symposium.

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Svein Stølen, the floor is yours.

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Thank you.

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We're delighted to have you here with us.

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Applause.

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Thank you so much, and very happy to be here.

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The most important is that we are going to listen

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to the words of Jason Hickel, of course,

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but still, it's a great pleasure to be here.

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So, dear colleagues, dear students, dear friends

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of the university, it's a great pleasure to welcome you

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to this year's Arne Næss Symposium,

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the 2023 symposium.

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Special warm welcome to Jason Hickel, professor.

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He is, and hold your breath,

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professor at the Institute for Environmental Science

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and Technology at the Autonomous University of Barcelona,

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visiting senior fellow at the International

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Inequalities Institute at the London School of Economics,

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and at last but not least, being here at the University of Oslo,

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chair professor of global justice and the environment

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here at SUM.

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Delighted to have you with us here today.

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The Arne Næss professors are leading international scholars

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working on the questions of global justice and environment.

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They are invited to engage with students,

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and that's important, I think.

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That's special here at SUM, engage with students

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and to inspire and discuss solutions to our environmental crisis

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in the spirit of Arne Næss' philosophy.

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Nest's relentless advocacy for social reforms

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to promote human and environmental justice

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has influenced generations.

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Both the University of Oslo and our society as a whole

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owe him greatly.

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While standing on his shoulders, we need to look ahead

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for fresh and perhaps even disruptive ideas.

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Earlier today, here at the University of Oslo,

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we organized a conference for the governmental committee

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on a just transition.

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Regeringens råd for rettferdig omstilling.

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A committee consisting of representatives

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from the Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions, LO,

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the Confederation of Norwegian Enterprises, NHO,

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and the state governments.

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We need to find solutions across sectors

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involving society at large.

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And today, and tonight, we are here.

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We are so happy that we see a full auditorium.

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This is a record, Nina.

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It's really nice to see so many people here.

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And it's a great pleasure that you want to take part

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in tonight's discussion.

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Perhaps the biggest question facing humanity today.

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How can we work in an age of a climate crisis?

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Can we continue economic growth,

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providing the growth is green?

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Or is a completely new economic model required?

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And of course, there is not one answer.

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It's not a simple answer.

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It's a quite difficult question, of course.

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What I do know is that we need to do exactly what Arne Næss did,

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namely challenge conventional wisdom.

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We need to remain curious, ask questions, and engage,

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and not shy away from utopian thinking.

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We need to dare to imagine a different world.

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And there, students, in this endeavor,

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I'm very grateful to you, and we are really hopeful for you.

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You need to be engaged.

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Some have suggested that younger generations' interest

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in the climate crisis is reduced, even waning.

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I have seen no such trend.

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On the contrary, I want to thank the students

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at our Green Office, who ensure that the environment

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is on the top of the agenda even today.

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We need to fight also in the years to come.

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Zoom's proud tradition of interdisciplinary

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and novel approaches to education give me hope

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and inspiration for the future.

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I know that the student population,

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the engagement at SUM is really strong,

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and that's important for us.

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Arne Næss left behind a rich philosophical heritage

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with sustainability, solidarity, and equality at its core.

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It seems even clearer today that one cannot be achieved

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without the other.

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It will not be easy, but that's a start.

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I look forward to hearing more about these challenges

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and possible solutions this evening.

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Let's all listen with an open heart and with a curious mind.

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Thank you so much for coming here today,

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and welcome again to the University of Oslo,

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and I'm sure we have a very interesting evening

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in front of us.

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Welcome.

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Thank you.

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Thank you very much, Svein, for these very uplifting words.

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And let me just start from the fact that,

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or stating the fact that the original Platonic Symposium,

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this is a symposium as we know,

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with Socrates as the star,

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involved a debate on Eros.

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I don't know if all of you know this,

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but this was Eros, the god of love and desire.

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Now, our debate is not on Eros, but on Oikos,

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meaning our original household, the earth,

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which is in Peril.

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Now, it is in great Peril, but Jason, Jason Hickel,

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our Arne Næss professor in 2023, has a solution.

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That's why there are so many of you here in the audience,

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because you're hungry for a solution and for a vision,

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and this man has a solution and a vision.

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Let's drop the fixation on economic growth, he says,

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and organize our economy around human well-being,

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pleasure, conviviality, and fun,

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and who wouldn't love that?

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You know, this is the world we are dreaming of.

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In his best seller, Less is More,

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now, I know that Jason is grimacing when he heard his best seller,

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you know, he doesn't want to talk about his best seller anymore,

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but okay, he offers both an inspired critique of capitalism,

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which I think is very convincing, but also very controversial,

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and compelling vision of the world that embraced de-growth.

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The vision certainly seduced many students,

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and one of them said, reading Hickel, I'm quoting here now,

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reading Hickel felt like getting an injection of Prozac.

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Oh, interesting.

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Now, this is the quotation verbatim now, Jason,

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but others have been a bit picky.

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De-growth, one of them said, yes, yes, yes,

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it's a bit like Christianity.

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It may be a good thing if anyone really tried it.

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So, there you are.

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I am free to introduce Jason now, not to mince my words.

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Jason Hickel, now a professor of economic anthropology

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at the University of Barcelona, but a very petty, pathetic scholar,

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as you know, and man who is very courageous,

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who is not afraid to propose bold and radical ideas

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in the best R&S tradition,

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who thinks beautifully and writes beautifully.

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If you haven't read his books, it's beautiful writing,

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not only beautiful thinking, okay?

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So, please appreciate the aesthetic part of it as well.

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And today he will speak about capitalism, ecological breakdown,

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and class struggle in the 21st century.

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Jason, the floor is yours at last.

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Thank you so much for the kind introductions.

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It looks like I'm unmuted, so we're good.

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The tech team is happy.

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It's a real honor for me to be here,

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and thank you also especially for the gorgeous fanfare,

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very touching music.

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I'm going to start by saying that I'm a big fan of your work,

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and I'm very proud of you.

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I'm a big fan of your work,

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and I'm very proud of you.

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I'm a big fan of your work,

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and I'm very proud of you.

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Very touching music.

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So, well, I hope that degrowth will be more interesting than Christianity,

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but let's see.

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But no, I'm very autumn for the kind words.

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So, in the past, during public lectures,

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I've opened by kind of describing the scale of the ecological crisis

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that we face,

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and what's likely to happen if we fail to arrest it.

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The science on this is striking and grim,

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and I'm sure that most of you are familiar with it now.

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And I find that, in fact, increasingly, this kind of description,

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this kind of introduction is actually not really necessary.

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We're all too already painfully aware of what's happening.

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The global economy is overshooting six planetary boundaries now,

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and we can see devastating Earth system changes

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playing out around us in real time.

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What's happening now in Libya and Greece

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and several other places with devastating flooding

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is enough to remind us.

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Degrowth is no longer an option.

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So, let me start instead with a different observation,

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one that's equally important.

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People have a tendency to refer to this crisis

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using the language of the Anthropocene, right?

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The term is useful, of course, to highlight the fact that,

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for the first time in geological history,

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human activity is dramatically reshaping our planet and our climate.

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But the term is also incorrect.

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It's not humans as such that are causing this crisis.

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Rather, it's being driven by our system of production,

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namely capitalism, and it's caused almost entirely

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by a small number of rich countries in the global north,

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primarily to the benefit of their elites and corporations.

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Now, right off the bat, I want to be very clear

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what I mean by capitalism here.

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When people think about capitalism,

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they often think of things like markets and trade and businesses, right?

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But these things existed for thousands of years before capitalism,

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and they're innocent enough on their own.

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What distinguishes capitalism for our purposes here

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is that it's organized around and dependent on constant expansion,

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perpetually increasing levels of industrial production,

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which we measure in terms of market prices or GDP.

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If the economy doesn't grow, and this is strange, right?

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If the economy doesn't grow, it crashes into crisis,

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which we experience every few years with devastating consequences

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for ordinary working-class people.

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It's a deeply unstable system.

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And crucially, under capitalism,

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the purpose of increasing production like this

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is not in fact primarily to improve human well-being

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or to achieve social progress or any specific ecological goals.

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Rather, it's to extract and accumulate

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an ever-increasing quantity of profit.

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That's the overriding objective.

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And this process, crucially, has no identifiable endpoints.

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Indeed, the dominant assumption in economics

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is that this should carry on indefinitely,

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that every industry, every sector, every national economy

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should continue to increase production year after year,

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regardless of whether or not we actually need it.

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Such a system, I'm sure you'll agree, is irrational at the best of times,

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and in the middle of an ecological emergency, is clearly madness.

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The problem is that, of course, production doesn't come out of thin air.

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It entails the use of energy and materials.

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Now, it's important to grasp that the world economy

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is characterized by extraordinary inequalities in energy and material use.

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Let's have a look at energy first.

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High-income countries, on the right of this graph,

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use vastly more energy than the rest of the world,

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far more than what we know empirically is compatible

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with feasibly decarbonizing fast enough to meet the Paris Agreement goals,

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which is also more than what we know would be required

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to meet everyone's needs at a good standard, if that was our objective.

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Now, this brings us to a paradox, which I want to highlight.

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Why is it that rich economies have such high levels of production and energy use,

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while at the same time, large numbers of their own citizens

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basically cannot make ends meet?

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In the USA, for example, 40% of people cannot afford health care.

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And by the way, we just learned that child poverty

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is increasing in the USA over the past year.

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In the UK, 4.3 million children live in poverty.

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In the EU, 90 million people struggle to access basic goods

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and services.

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The reason is because capitalism is highly undemocratic.

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Decisions about what to produce and how to use resources

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and who benefits from the surplus that we all collectively generate,

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all of this is controlled by the 1% who own the majority of corporate shares

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and who elect the directors of firms.

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And what they choose to do is to produce things that maximize their profits,

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things like fossil fuels and advertising and SUVs,

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rather than things like public health care, public transit,

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affordable housing, renewable energy, etc.

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The result is that we have a system that simultaneously overuses resources

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and at the same time fails to meet many people's basic needs.

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So we face a double crisis, in fact,

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an ecological crisis that is also a social crisis at the same time,

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driven by the same underlying causes.

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Now, the consequence of excess energy use in the core economies

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is that these countries are also overwhelmingly responsible

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for the vast majority of excess emissions that are causing climate breakdown.

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This graph shows cumulative global carbon emissions since 1850.

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You can see how the safe planetary boundary,

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which is the green line in this graph, was violated in the late 1980s,

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tipping us into what we might describe today as climate breakdown.

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With business as usual, as you can see,

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both the 1.5 and 2 degree limits will be breached within the next two decades,

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which is devastating.

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Now, let's break this down a little bit.

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Here's the global south.

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As you can see, the south as a group is still within its fair share

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of the safe planetary boundary,

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and has therefore not contributed to climate breakdown at all.

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Of course, some countries within the global south

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have in fact violated their national fair shares,

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as we're going to see shortly.

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But here's the global north,

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by which I mean the wealthy core economies of Europe, the USA,

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Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Israel, and Japan.

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The north exceeded the planetary boundary in the early 1900s,

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and has now already violated its fair share of the 1.5 and 2 degree

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carbon budgets twice over, counting from 1850.

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By the way, here we can see Norway and China,

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with Norway on the left here, compared to China on the right.

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I think this is actually important for us to understand,

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given the predominance of misinformation that's out there in our media.

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China has only just recently exceeded its fair share of the planetary boundary.

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That's a problem, and China must decarbonize very quickly.

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But note that Norway has burned its fair share several times over, right?

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So obviously a much bigger contributor to the crisis in this respect.

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Now, the result is that the countries of the global north,

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which are represented in red in this graph,

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are responsible for 87% of all emissions globally

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in excess of the planetary boundary.

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In other words, 87% of all the damages caused by climate breakdown

20:25.180 --> 20:27.180
everywhere it happens in the world.

20:27.180 --> 20:31.180
Now, I argue that we need to understand this reality

20:31.180 --> 20:34.180
as a process of atmospheric colonization.

20:34.180 --> 20:40.180
The atmosphere is a shared commons on which all of us depend for our existence.

20:41.180 --> 20:43.180
And the rich countries of the earth have appropriated it

20:43.180 --> 20:45.180
for their own enrichments with devastating consequences

20:45.180 --> 20:47.180
for all of life on earth, right?

20:47.180 --> 20:50.180
The global south countries are responsible for 13% in total.

20:51.180 --> 20:54.180
Now, meanwhile, the global south,

20:54.180 --> 20:56.180
which has done very little to cause this problem, as you can see,

20:56.180 --> 21:00.180
suffers up to 92% of the economic costs and damages

21:00.180 --> 21:02.180
inflicted by climate breakdown,

21:02.180 --> 21:05.180
and up to 99% of all climate-related deaths.

21:05.180 --> 21:08.180
In other words, virtually all climate-related mortality

21:08.180 --> 21:12.180
is sustained in the territories of the global south.

21:12.180 --> 21:17.180
The injustice of this is staggering, and none of us should accept it.

21:17.180 --> 21:21.180
But climate is not the only crisis that we face.

21:21.180 --> 21:23.180
We also need to pay attention to material use,

21:23.180 --> 21:27.180
which is the main driver of biodiversity loss and ecosystem damage.

21:27.180 --> 21:30.180
This graph shows us global material use over the past half century,

21:30.180 --> 21:34.180
including biomass, metals, minerals, and construction materials.

21:34.180 --> 21:36.180
The red line is what industrial ecologists indicate

21:36.180 --> 21:38.180
is the maximum sustainable boundary,

21:38.180 --> 21:40.180
at least the one that's most commonly used,

21:40.180 --> 21:42.180
50 billion tons per year.

21:42.180 --> 21:46.180
And as you can see, we shot past that limit in the late 1990s.

21:46.180 --> 21:49.180
And as of today, the global economy is consuming or using

21:49.180 --> 21:51.180
100 billion tons per year,

21:51.180 --> 21:54.180
which is overshooting the boundary by a factor of two.

21:54.180 --> 21:57.180
And this is, again, a major driver of ecological pressure.

21:57.180 --> 21:59.180
But here again, it's the rich countries

21:59.180 --> 22:02.180
that are overwhelmingly responsible for this problem.

22:02.180 --> 22:04.180
This graph shows us the same data.

22:04.180 --> 22:07.180
This is per capita material use by country income group.

22:07.180 --> 22:09.180
Again, the red line is the sustainable level.

22:09.180 --> 22:12.180
We see that rich countries, over on the far right again,

22:12.180 --> 22:15.180
use on average 28 tons of materials per capita,

22:15.180 --> 22:17.180
which is four times over the boundary.

22:17.180 --> 22:20.180
And also, again, far more than we know is required

22:20.180 --> 22:24.180
to ensure good lives for everybody if that was the objective,

22:24.180 --> 22:27.180
like if our production system was organized in that way.

22:29.180 --> 22:32.180
By the way, let's have a look at Norway,

22:33.180 --> 22:36.180
which has one of the highest rates of material use in the world.

22:37.180 --> 22:40.180
Now, crucially, not all residents of rich countries

22:40.180 --> 22:42.180
are responsible for this.

22:42.180 --> 22:45.180
Richer individuals consume much more than working-class people,

22:45.180 --> 22:47.180
and we have to be very clear about that.

22:47.180 --> 22:49.180
But also, these high levels of resource use

22:49.180 --> 22:53.180
are also the effects of materially intensive provisioning systems,

22:53.180 --> 22:56.180
like transport systems that rely on private cars,

22:56.180 --> 23:00.180
for which individuals themselves are obviously not responsible.

23:00.180 --> 23:03.180
If you know the option of using a public transit system,

23:03.180 --> 23:07.180
you have no choice but to rely on a materially intensive transport alternative.

23:08.180 --> 23:10.180
Meanwhile, note that lower-income countries

23:10.180 --> 23:12.180
obviously consume a small fraction of this,

23:12.180 --> 23:14.180
and they remain under sustainable levels.

23:14.180 --> 23:16.180
In most cases, crucially,

23:16.180 --> 23:19.180
they actually need to increase their use of materials and energy

23:19.180 --> 23:23.180
in order to build the infrastructure required for human development.

23:23.180 --> 23:29.180
Now, here, too, excess resource use represents processes of colonization.

23:29.180 --> 23:31.180
Let me explain briefly how this works,

23:31.180 --> 23:33.180
because I think this is important to understand

23:33.180 --> 23:35.180
and gets too often left out of our discussion.

23:36.180 --> 23:38.180
So here's the key facts.

23:38.180 --> 23:42.180
Growth in the global north relies on a massive net appropriation

23:42.180 --> 23:44.180
of resources from the global south.

23:44.180 --> 23:47.180
In other words, the world economy is characterized by a net flow

23:47.180 --> 23:49.180
from south to north,

23:49.180 --> 23:51.180
from the periphery to the core of the world system.

23:51.180 --> 23:53.180
In a recent paper, we measured this

23:53.180 --> 23:57.180
using environmentally extended input-output models

23:57.180 --> 24:00.180
to define the full extent of appropriation in empirical terms.

24:00.180 --> 24:02.180
And the results are quite striking.

24:03.180 --> 24:07.180
We found that a net total of 12 billion tons of embodied raw materials

24:07.180 --> 24:10.180
is appropriated from the global south every year.

24:10.180 --> 24:12.180
And by embodied here, I mean materials that are embodied,

24:12.180 --> 24:15.180
involved in the production of traded goods, right?

24:15.180 --> 24:17.180
Now, that's double the total mass of resources

24:17.180 --> 24:21.180
that is normally extracted from the entire continent of Africa every year,

24:21.180 --> 24:25.180
consumed entirely in the global north, net of trade.

24:26.180 --> 24:28.180
21 exajoules of embodied energy.

24:29.180 --> 24:32.180
That amount of energy would be enough to develop the infrastructure

24:32.180 --> 24:35.180
required to provide healthcare, education, housing, heating,

24:35.180 --> 24:38.180
cooling, refrigerators, electricity, public transit,

24:38.180 --> 24:41.180
computers, and other key necessities

24:41.180 --> 24:43.180
to the entire population of the global south,

24:43.180 --> 24:45.180
ensuring good lives for everyone.

24:45.180 --> 24:50.180
But instead, it is used to fuel corporate growth in the global north.

24:50.180 --> 24:53.180
820 million hectares of embodied land.

24:53.180 --> 24:55.180
That's twice the size of India.

24:55.180 --> 24:57.180
This amount of land could be used to provide nutritious food

24:57.180 --> 24:59.180
for 4 to 6 billion people.

24:59.180 --> 25:02.180
But instead, it's used to produce things like sugar for Coca-Cola,

25:02.180 --> 25:05.180
and beef for McDonald's, and cotton for H&M,

25:05.180 --> 25:07.180
consumed in the global north.

25:07.180 --> 25:12.180
And then 188 million person years of embodied labor.

25:12.180 --> 25:15.180
That's similar to Latin America's entire workforce.

25:15.180 --> 25:18.180
That labor could be used to staff hospitals and schools,

25:18.180 --> 25:22.180
to produce food and goods for local needs, to build houses.

25:22.180 --> 25:25.180
But instead, they work full-time, year after year,

25:25.180 --> 25:29.180
churning out tech gadgets in fast fashion for northern companies.

25:29.180 --> 25:31.180
This is not a small thing.

25:31.180 --> 25:33.180
This data shows that growth in the global north

25:33.180 --> 25:35.180
depends utterly on this appropriation.

25:35.180 --> 25:38.180
It depends on sucking the life out of the ecosystems

25:38.180 --> 25:41.180
and human communities of the global south.

25:42.180 --> 25:46.180
Now, what this means is that the social and ecological impacts

25:46.180 --> 25:48.180
of continued perpetual northern growth

25:48.180 --> 25:51.180
are offshored or externalized to the global south.

25:51.180 --> 25:53.180
That's where the damage happens.

25:53.180 --> 25:55.180
You don't see it in Norway or in England.

25:55.180 --> 25:59.180
You see it in places like Brazil, Indonesia, and the Congo.

25:59.180 --> 26:03.180
This is the cause not only of environmental breakdown or degradation,

26:03.180 --> 26:07.180
but also of mass poverty and deprivation in the global south.

26:07.180 --> 26:09.180
The value appropriated from the south each year

26:09.180 --> 26:11.180
is worth trillions of dollars,

26:11.180 --> 26:14.180
and would be enough to end extreme poverty dozens of times over.

26:14.180 --> 26:18.180
But instead, the south is maintained in conditions of misery

26:18.180 --> 26:23.180
in order to shore up the possibility of continued capitalist growth in the core.

26:23.180 --> 26:29.180
In other words, the dual crisis of ecological breakdown and mass poverty

26:29.180 --> 26:32.180
is an effect of these dynamics in the world economy.

26:34.180 --> 26:36.180
Now, what I want to get across here

26:36.180 --> 26:40.180
is that imperialist appropriation along these lines is not incidental.

26:40.180 --> 26:43.180
It's not a side gig or an accident.

26:43.180 --> 26:46.180
As the Indian economist Utsav Patnaik puts it,

26:46.180 --> 26:51.180
imperialism is a structurally necessary feature of capitalist growth.

26:52.180 --> 26:55.180
In order to sustain perpetual expansion and accumulation,

26:55.180 --> 26:59.180
capital requires an ever-rising quantity of inputs,

26:59.180 --> 27:02.180
resources and labor, the key inputs to production,

27:02.180 --> 27:04.180
at the lowest possible price.

27:04.180 --> 27:09.180
To achieve this, capital has to find ways of cheapening labor and resources.

27:09.180 --> 27:13.180
Now, one option is to exploit your national working class

27:13.180 --> 27:15.180
and your domestic ecology.

27:15.180 --> 27:17.180
But of course, this harms people,

27:17.180 --> 27:20.180
and sooner or later, you're likely to face a revolution.

27:20.180 --> 27:23.180
If you want to avoid this, and indeed, if you are under pressure

27:23.180 --> 27:27.180
to improve the conditions of your national working class,

27:27.180 --> 27:30.180
your only other option is to cheapen some third party

27:30.180 --> 27:33.180
who is not in a position to fight back.

27:33.180 --> 27:37.180
You need some kind of outside where you can exploit resources and labor

27:37.180 --> 27:41.180
with impunity and externalize social and ecological damages.

27:41.180 --> 27:44.180
This is where the colonies come in.

27:44.180 --> 27:48.180
For 500 years, capitalism has relied on forms of colonization

27:48.180 --> 27:51.180
and the exploitation of the people in the global south

27:51.180 --> 27:54.180
to ensure a steady flow of cheap inputs.

27:55.180 --> 28:00.180
Now, this arrangement came under threat in the middle of the 20th century

28:00.180 --> 28:02.180
with the rise of the anti-colonial movements

28:02.180 --> 28:05.180
across Asia, Africa and Latin America.

28:05.180 --> 28:09.180
Newly independent governments refused to be plundered by northern capital.

28:09.180 --> 28:12.180
They pursued strategies of economic sovereignty,

28:12.180 --> 28:15.180
and they sought to reclaim their productive capacities

28:15.180 --> 28:17.180
to focus on local human needs.

28:17.180 --> 28:21.180
They used tariffs and capital controls to protect their markets.

28:21.180 --> 28:25.180
They used subsidies and planning to develop necessary industries

28:25.180 --> 28:27.180
that foreign capital was not investing in,

28:27.180 --> 28:29.180
and they used land reform to reclaim territory

28:29.180 --> 28:32.180
that had been appropriated by colonial firms.

28:32.180 --> 28:35.180
This approach succeeded marvelously at raising incomes

28:35.180 --> 28:39.180
and improving welfare across the newly independent global south.

28:39.180 --> 28:42.180
It launched a development miracle.

28:42.180 --> 28:45.180
But northern powers were not pleased,

28:45.180 --> 28:48.180
as these progressive policies were cutting off their access

28:48.180 --> 28:50.180
to cheap labor and resources,

28:50.180 --> 28:53.180
which they'd enjoyed for the past 450 years.

28:53.180 --> 28:56.180
It undermined the colonial arrangements on which capitalism had depended,

28:56.180 --> 29:00.180
and this triggered a massive crisis for capital in the 1970s,

29:00.180 --> 29:04.180
especially given that at the same time wages were also rising in the core,

29:04.180 --> 29:08.180
thanks to the power of organized labor and the welfare state,

29:08.180 --> 29:11.180
which gives workers significantly more bargaining power.

29:11.180 --> 29:15.180
So the governments of the core faced a fork in the road.

29:15.180 --> 29:20.180
They could either accept economic sovereignty in the global south

29:20.180 --> 29:24.180
and decent wages at home and abandon capital accumulation,

29:24.180 --> 29:28.180
thus shifting to a post-capitalist economy focused on well-being,

29:28.180 --> 29:30.180
or they could try to maintain capital accumulation

29:30.180 --> 29:35.180
by somehow restoring the basic structure of the imperial arrangements,

29:35.180 --> 29:38.180
and they opted hard for the latter.

29:38.180 --> 29:42.180
First, they intervened militarily to depose anti-colonial leaders.

29:42.180 --> 29:46.180
The list here is long and includes several figures that all of us should know.

29:46.180 --> 29:48.180
Mohamed Mossadakh in Iran,

29:48.180 --> 29:51.180
Patrice Lumumba in the Congo,

29:51.180 --> 29:54.180
Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala,

29:54.180 --> 29:56.180
Sukarno in Indonesia,

29:56.180 --> 29:59.180
Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana,

29:59.180 --> 30:03.180
Salvador Allende in Chile, exactly 50 years ago,

30:03.180 --> 30:07.180
Thomas Sankara in Burkina Faso, and many others,

30:07.180 --> 30:09.180
all deposed in western-backed coups

30:09.180 --> 30:13.180
and replaced with right-wing dictatorships or military juntas

30:13.180 --> 30:15.180
backed by western governments

30:15.180 --> 30:18.180
that were more amenable to western economic interests

30:18.180 --> 30:21.180
and which rolled back the reforms of the progressive era.

30:22.180 --> 30:26.180
But northern states also intervened by using the World Bank and the IMF

30:26.180 --> 30:29.180
to impose neoliberal structural adjustment programs

30:29.180 --> 30:32.180
across the global south in the 1980s and 1990s.

30:32.180 --> 30:37.180
Structural adjustments forced governments to privatize national resources,

30:37.180 --> 30:39.180
to cut support for national industries,

30:39.180 --> 30:42.180
to cut protections on labor and on the environment,

30:42.180 --> 30:44.180
and to cut public services.

30:44.180 --> 30:47.180
This destroyed the south's economic sovereignty

30:47.180 --> 30:51.180
and pushed the prices of labor and resources back down,

30:51.180 --> 30:54.180
thus restoring the basic tenet of the imperial arrangement

30:54.180 --> 30:57.180
and rescuing capital accumulation in the global north.

30:57.180 --> 30:59.180
It restored the rate of corporate profits,

30:59.180 --> 31:02.180
it restored the flagging rate of growth in the north,

31:02.180 --> 31:04.180
and it allowed European governments

31:04.180 --> 31:08.180
to ensure a reasonable standard of living for their working classes

31:08.180 --> 31:10.180
while still maintaining capital accumulation,

31:10.180 --> 31:13.180
which is the basic arrangement of social democracy,

31:13.180 --> 31:16.180
such as in the Scandinavian countries.

31:16.180 --> 31:20.180
And this arrangement, by definition, cannot be universalized.

31:20.180 --> 31:24.180
Now, this is not to say that you cannot have a welfare state without imperialism.

31:24.180 --> 31:26.180
You can.

31:26.180 --> 31:31.180
But you cannot have a welfare state and capital accumulation without imperialism.

31:31.180 --> 31:33.180
You have to choose.

31:33.180 --> 31:35.180
So, for the south, this was devastating.

31:35.180 --> 31:38.180
Structural adjustment put them back into the position

31:38.180 --> 31:41.180
of being dependent on exports to and imports from the global north.

31:41.180 --> 31:46.180
But because structural adjustments also depressed prices in the global south,

31:46.180 --> 31:51.180
this means that for every unit of embodied labor and material they import,

31:51.180 --> 31:54.180
they have to export many more units to pay for it.

31:54.180 --> 31:59.180
So this is what the Egyptian economist Samir Amin referred to as unequal exchange.

31:59.180 --> 32:02.180
And this is what generates the large net flows of resources

32:02.180 --> 32:05.180
from south to north that I described earlier.

32:05.180 --> 32:08.180
This is the form that imperialism takes in the 21st century.

32:08.180 --> 32:11.180
It is an arrangement that enables appropriation

32:11.180 --> 32:15.180
without the need, in most cases, for military occupation.

32:15.180 --> 32:19.180
And I hope that you can see how critically important this dynamic is

32:19.180 --> 32:21.180
to the entire question of ecology,

32:21.180 --> 32:24.180
because what is at stake here is ecology.

32:24.180 --> 32:28.180
Whose resources are available and to who?

32:28.180 --> 32:31.180
So what do we do?

32:31.180 --> 32:35.180
With all of these problems in mind, what needs to happen?

32:44.180 --> 32:46.180
Let's start with materials.

32:46.180 --> 32:49.180
We know that rich countries need to reduce material use

32:49.180 --> 32:51.180
by more than half from existing levels.

32:51.180 --> 32:53.180
Of course, it depends on the country.

32:53.180 --> 32:55.180
There's widespread agreement on this, actually.

32:55.180 --> 32:58.180
Indeed, the objective of reducing material use to sustainable levels

32:58.180 --> 33:01.180
has been ratified by the European Parliament.

33:01.180 --> 33:05.180
Now, some of this can be achieved through efficiency improvements, yes.

33:05.180 --> 33:07.180
And we should pursue this vigorously.

33:07.180 --> 33:10.180
We should embrace and accelerate technological change.

33:10.180 --> 33:14.180
I am not anti-technology. I want to make that abundantly clear.

33:14.180 --> 33:16.180
I'm an accelerationist when it comes to this.

33:16.180 --> 33:18.180
Maybe we can talk about that later.

33:20.180 --> 33:21.180
Okay.

33:21.180 --> 33:25.180
But we also know that efficiency improvements alone are not enough.

33:25.180 --> 33:27.180
In a growth-focused capitalist economy,

33:27.180 --> 33:31.180
savings from efficiency improvements tend to be reinvested

33:31.180 --> 33:34.180
to expand the process of production and consumption.

33:34.180 --> 33:37.180
That basically makes absolute reductions very difficult to achieve.

33:37.180 --> 33:39.180
So you can make some headway,

33:39.180 --> 33:42.180
but really substantial headway is quite tough.

33:42.180 --> 33:44.180
Now, what about climate?

33:44.180 --> 33:45.180
Yes.

33:45.180 --> 33:48.180
Now, remember to stay under the 1.5 degrees carbon budget,

33:48.180 --> 33:51.180
to stay within that, we need to cut emissions to zero by 2050.

33:51.180 --> 33:55.180
For high-income nations, which have very high per capita emissions,

33:55.180 --> 33:58.180
this requires very rapid emissions reductions,

33:58.180 --> 34:00.180
much faster, by the way, than lower-income nations.

34:00.180 --> 34:03.180
And this is a critically important point to understand.

34:03.180 --> 34:06.180
Now, because the area under these graphs has to be the same

34:06.180 --> 34:10.180
for a fair distribution of the carbon budget.

34:10.180 --> 34:14.180
Now, we know that it's possible to absolutely decouple GDP from emissions,

34:14.180 --> 34:18.180
simply by transitioning to lower carbon energy sources.

34:18.180 --> 34:22.180
Indeed, several high-income countries have already achieved this,

34:22.180 --> 34:25.180
even when measuring emissions in consumption-based terms.

34:25.180 --> 34:26.180
This is not news.

34:26.180 --> 34:28.180
We've known about this since the 1990s,

34:28.180 --> 34:31.180
and it should not be surprising to anyone.

34:31.180 --> 34:34.180
As we're going to see, what matters here is the question of speed.

34:34.180 --> 34:38.180
But still, nonetheless, this fact of absolute decoupling,

34:38.180 --> 34:41.180
which again, to scientists, is not surprising,

34:41.180 --> 34:45.180
is routinely recruited to argue that not only is green growth possible,

34:45.180 --> 34:47.180
it is already here.

34:47.180 --> 34:49.180
And this is from the Financial Times.

34:49.180 --> 34:53.180
But what this discourse obscures is the fact that none of these countries

34:53.180 --> 34:55.180
that have done this, that have achieved this,

34:55.180 --> 34:59.180
are reducing emissions in line with what is required to stay under 1.5 degrees,

34:59.180 --> 35:02.180
or even well under 2 degrees, as the Paris Agreement demands.

35:02.180 --> 35:07.180
Existing trajectories are highly inadequate.

35:07.180 --> 35:10.180
Now, in a recent study published in The Lancet,

35:10.180 --> 35:12.180
we found that at current rates,

35:12.180 --> 35:16.180
the high-income countries that have achieved absolute decoupling

35:16.180 --> 35:21.180
will take on average 220 years to reduce emissions by 95%,

35:21.180 --> 35:26.180
blowing their carbon budget fair shares 27 times over in the process.

35:26.180 --> 35:29.180
There's nothing green about this.

35:29.180 --> 35:31.180
This is a recipe for disaster.

35:31.180 --> 35:32.180
It's extremely dangerous.

35:32.180 --> 35:37.180
Much faster emissions reductions are required.

35:37.180 --> 35:41.180
By the way, let's just talk very briefly about Norway.

35:41.180 --> 35:45.180
So this is Norway's consumption-based emissions,

35:45.180 --> 35:52.180
are here in the dotted red line.

35:52.180 --> 35:58.180
They've increased over the past decade, which is bad news.

35:58.180 --> 36:00.180
That means that at existing rates, obviously,

36:00.180 --> 36:03.180
Norway would continue increasing its consumption-based emissions.

36:03.180 --> 36:04.180
That's unlikely to occur,

36:04.180 --> 36:07.180
but that gives you a sense for what's happening currently.

36:07.180 --> 36:09.180
And compare that with the green dotted line,

36:09.180 --> 36:13.180
which is what would be required if Norway was to stay within its fair share

36:13.180 --> 36:15.180
of the carbon budget for 1.5 degrees.

36:15.180 --> 36:18.180
The budget for 1.7 degrees is obviously a little bit easier,

36:18.180 --> 36:21.180
but still obviously out of reach in this respect.

36:21.180 --> 36:24.180
In terms of territorial emissions,

36:24.180 --> 36:27.180
at current rates, Norway will take over 400 years

36:27.180 --> 36:29.180
to reduce emissions by 95%.

36:29.180 --> 36:31.180
And that's territorial.

36:31.180 --> 36:33.180
So the question becomes,

36:33.180 --> 36:35.180
is it possible for high-income countries

36:35.180 --> 36:38.180
to achieve sufficiently rapid decarbonization?

36:38.180 --> 36:42.180
And the answer to this is yes, and that's the good news.

36:42.180 --> 36:45.180
But in a growth-oriented economy,

36:45.180 --> 36:49.180
it's extremely difficult to achieve, and probably unfeasible.

36:49.180 --> 36:52.180
The high-income countries that have achieved decoupling

36:52.180 --> 36:55.180
would need to accelerate their existing rates

36:55.180 --> 36:58.180
by a factor of 10 by 2025.

36:58.180 --> 37:00.180
And remember that every year of delay

37:00.180 --> 37:03.180
makes this calculus even more aggressive.

37:03.180 --> 37:06.180
Now, the reason this is so difficult

37:06.180 --> 37:09.180
is because in a growth-oriented scenario,

37:09.180 --> 37:12.180
our options are limited to roughly two things.

37:12.180 --> 37:15.180
One, renewable energy rollout,

37:15.180 --> 37:17.180
so expanding solar and wind and batteries

37:17.180 --> 37:20.180
to catch up to energy use and to growth.

37:20.180 --> 37:22.180
And two, technological change,

37:22.180 --> 37:25.180
like shifting the entire vehicle fleet to EVs.

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This requires mobilizing labor and factories

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and infrastructure and materials and finance, of course.

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And it cannot just be accelerated just willy-nilly,

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especially given that our capacities,

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in a growth-oriented scenario,

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are already maxed out by other forms of production.

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Our factories and labor are already producing other things.

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So this is like an extra burden on top, as it were.

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But as the latest IPCC report notes,

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rapid decarbonization is much easier to achieve

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in a post-growth scenario.

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Now, let me emphasize again that post-growth research

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is pro-technology.

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It embraces efficiency improvements

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and embraces technological change,

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but again recognizes that this alone is not enough,

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and therefore also calls for high-income countries

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to abandon GDP growth as an objective

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and focus the economy instead

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on what is required for well-being and social progress.

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Now, remember, GDP is an aggregate metric.

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It does not distinguish between $1,000 worth of bombs

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and $1,000 worth of health care.

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Even Simon Kuznets, the man who invented GDP himself,

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warns that we should never use it as a measure

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for economic and social well-being,

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because when it comes to well-being,

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as you can imagine, it's not aggregate production that matters,

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but rather what we are producing

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and whether people have access to the necessary goods

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they require to live a decent life.

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So instead of blindly chasing aggregate growth

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and hoping this will magically solve our problems,

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let us be clear about what we actually want to achieve

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and target those things directly.

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This focuses the mind.

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How do we achieve social and ecological goals?

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The first step is we need to expand and decommodify

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universal public services,

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and by this I mean health care and education, obviously, yes,

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but also good affordable housing,

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public transit, clean energy, water, Internet,

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nutritious food, recreational facilities, child care.

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Let us mobilize our productive forces

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to ensure that everyone has access

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to what is necessary for a decent life,

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regardless of fluctuations in aggregate output.

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This reduces the cost of living,

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and this is important for Norway right now, okay?

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It controls inflation and stabilizes the economy.

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It's an essential step to de-linking well-being from growth.

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Second, we must invest in ambitious public works programs

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to build renewable energy, improve public transit,

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insulate homes, install efficient appliances,

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restore ecosystems.

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These are urgent, socially necessary tasks,

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and we cannot wait around for capital

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to decide that they are worth doing.

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We must mobilize to do them directly and fast,

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harnessing the power of public finance and industrial policy.

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Such a program can and should also include a public job guarantee,

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empowering people to train and participate

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in the most important collective projects of our generation,

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doing dignified, meaningful work

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with workplace democracy and living wages.

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I want you to think about the power of this approach.

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It allows us to achieve ecological objectives fast,

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but it also abolishes unemployment.

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It abolishes economic insecurity.

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It breaks the political logjam around climate action.

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And again, important for Norway.

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Right now, we cannot pursue radical climate action

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because it might harm employment and livelihoods.

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By securing employment and livelihoods,

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we can pursue radical action

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without anyone worrying about getting hurt,

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and this is the bread and butter of a just transition.

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Now, as we improve and secure the socially necessary sectors,

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we also need to scale down, or de-grow, if you like,

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socially less necessary forms of production.

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Fossil fuels are obvious here.

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We need binding targets to wind this industry down,

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and I urge the Norwegian government to join other governments

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in signing the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty.

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But we also need to reduce production of private jets,

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SUVs, mansions, industrial beef, fast fashion,

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the automobile industry, advertising, weapons,

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the military-industrial complex, yachts, cruise ships.

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There are huge chunks of our economy

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that are wasteful and destructive and totally unnecessary.

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We can also end the practice of planned obsolescence

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and introduce policy to extend product lifespans.

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This is powerful, by the way. Think about it.

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If our products last twice as long, we need half as many of them,

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cutting our energy and material use by 50%.

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This should be done democratically,

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and workers in sunset industries should have the guaranteed option

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of transitioning to socially and ecologically necessary forms of production

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that they choose, with full support under the job guarantee

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and no loss of livelihood.

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That must be an ironclad commitment.

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Finally, we need to curtail the purchasing power of the very rich

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using sensible policy measures like wealth taxes and maximum income ratios.

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Now, this may sound radical, but think about it.

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Right now, millionaires alone are on track

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to burn 72% of the remaining carbon budget for 1.5 degrees.

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This is an egregious assault on humanity and on the rest of the living world,

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and none of us should accept it.

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It is irrational and self-defeating for us to continue to devote energy and materials

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to supporting an over-consuming elite in the middle of an ecological emergency.

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We know that measures like these,

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scaling down less necessary forms of production

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and reforming provisioning systems,

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can reduce energy use in high-income countries by more than 50%,

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while at the same time improving social outcomes.

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And as our society requires less aggregate production to meet our needs,

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we can shorten the working week, give people more free time,

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and share necessary labor more evenly,

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therefore permanently precluding involuntary unemployment.

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This is extremely powerful in terms of climate mitigation.

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Less energy demand means we can decarbonize the economy much faster.

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It also means we require less renewable energy infrastructure to do that.

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And this is crucial for Norway.

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It means less appropriation of land and territory and forests

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for wind turbines and solar panels.

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Another benefit for Norway is that reduced need for imports of cars,

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for example, a major import here,

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would mean less need to extract and export oil to finance those imports.

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This approach also reduces material use,

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thus stopping and even reversing biodiversity loss

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and other forms of ecosystem breakdown.

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This is incredibly hopeful news.

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It's a powerful antidote to the doomerism and despair

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that has gripped our culture and our politics.

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Now, is such a program affordable?

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Yes, by definition, yes.

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As Keynes famously pointed out,

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anything we can actually do in terms of real productive capacity,

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we can pay for.

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And when it comes to productive capacity,

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clearly, as I've just argued, we have far more than enough.

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Deploying public finance and industrial policy

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simply shifts the use of this capacity

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away from wasteful production and elite accumulation

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to advance social and ecological objectives.

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Now, some will say this sounds utopian,

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but these policies happen to be extremely popular.

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Universal public services, green public works,

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a public job guarantee, more equality,

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an economy focused on well-being and ecology rather than growth.

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Polls and surveys show strong majority support for these ideas,

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and official citizens' assemblies, democratic processes,

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in several European countries

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have called for precisely this kind of transition.

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A post-growth deal along these lines,

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a just and ecological post-growth deal,

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has the potential to become a popular and feasible political agenda.

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Now, I want to emphasize that this is not just about ecology.

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It's also crucial to releasing the global south

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from the grip of extractivism and impoverishment.

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Excess energy and material use in the core

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needs to decline to achieve ecological objectives,

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while in the periphery, productive capacities

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need to be reclaimed, reorganized, and increased where necessary

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in order to meet human needs,

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with throughput converging globally

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to levels that are sufficient for universal human welfare

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and compatible with ecological stability.

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For the global south,

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this requires ending structural adjustment programs,

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canceling external debts,

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and enabling governments to use progressive industrial and fiscal policy

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to improve economic sovereignty,

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including tariffs and subsidies and capital controls

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and nationalization and public production.

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In the absence of effective multilateral action to allow for this,

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southern governments can and should take collective steps in this direction,

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and it is critical that progressive movements everywhere

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support and defend them toward this end.

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But none of this is going to happen on its own.

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It will require a political struggle

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against those who benefit so prodigiously from the status quo.

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To get there, it's necessary to build movements

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that are powerful enough to unseat existing incumbents

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or otherwise force them to change course.

46:55.180 --> 46:57.180
It should be clear to all of us by now

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that the environmentalist movement cannot do this on its own.

47:01.180 --> 47:03.180
It urgently needs to create alliances

47:03.180 --> 47:06.180
with unions and working class political formations

47:06.180 --> 47:08.180
to build a broad-based political movement

47:08.180 --> 47:10.180
that has real political leverage.

47:10.180 --> 47:13.180
And to achieve this, it is critical to foreground

47:13.180 --> 47:16.180
the social policy demands that I've highlighted here.

47:16.180 --> 47:18.180
But the unions also need to move,

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and I say this not as a critic from the outside,

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but as a lifelong union member.

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How did we ever let the political horizons of the labor movement

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shrink down to sector-specific battles over wages and conditions

47:30.180 --> 47:34.180
without any concern for the well-being of workers in other sectors

47:34.180 --> 47:37.180
or non-workers or the unemployed?

47:37.180 --> 47:39.180
We must revive our ambitions,

47:39.180 --> 47:42.180
universal public services and a job guarantee,

47:42.180 --> 47:45.180
our basic demands that any self-respecting labor movement

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must advance and implement as a top priority,

47:48.180 --> 47:51.180
which is also critical to creating the conditions

47:51.180 --> 47:55.180
that will make it possible for a just and ecological transition.

47:56.180 --> 47:59.180
So let me close by summarizing like this.

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The vision of a just and ecological future is possible to achieve.

48:03.180 --> 48:07.180
We know empirically that it is physically possible to achieve.

48:07.180 --> 48:10.180
But it requires a process of substantial transformation

48:10.180 --> 48:13.180
if we want to bring this vision into reality.

48:13.180 --> 48:16.180
This is not a time for timid responses,

48:16.180 --> 48:20.180
tweaking around the edges of a failing, degenerating system.

48:20.180 --> 48:22.180
It's time for openness to new ideas.

48:22.180 --> 48:24.180
It's time for bold movements.

48:24.180 --> 48:26.180
It's time for courage.

48:26.180 --> 48:28.180
Thank you.

48:28.180 --> 48:57.180
Applause

